Single Mother Statistics: What the Numbers Say

Single Mother Statistics: What the Numbers Say About Households, Children, and Work

Single mother statistics are really household statistics, child-arrangement statistics, and labor statistics all at once.

The numbers show how family structures have shifted over time, how many children live with one parent, and how work patterns differ across family types.

At a glance
How household structure has changed
What child living arrangements look like
Employment patterns in families
Custodial parent data points
Poverty and risk in single-parent households
What the broader OECD data adds
Key patterns to keep in mind

At a Glance

A few numbers set the tone immediately:

Married-couple households made up 47% of all U.S. households in 2022, down from 71% in 1970 (Census Bureau 2024 families release).
Nonfamily households grew from 19% of all households in 1970 to 36% in 2022 (Census Bureau 2024 families release).
In 2019, about 15 million family households were female householder, no spouse present (Census Bureau 2024 families release).
In 2019, about 6 million family households were male householder, no spouse present (Census Bureau 2024 families release).
In 2019, 21.4% of children lived with their mother only, while 4.4% lived with their father only (Census Bureau 2022 children living arrangements release).
In 2023, 76.2% of mothers in mother-maintained families were employed (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).
In 2023, 97.6% of families with children had at least one employed parent (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).

Those figures matter because they show single motherhood is not a niche category. It sits inside a much larger shift in family composition, labor force participation, and child living arrangements.

How Household Structure Has Changed

The long-run household pattern is one of the clearest ways to read single mother statistics.

In 1970, married-couple households made up 71% of all U.S. households. By 2022, that share had fallen to 47% (Census Bureau 2024 families release). Over the same span, nonfamily households rose from about 19% to about 36% (Census Bureau 2024 families release).

That does not mean all of the difference is single-parent families, but it does show the traditional married-couple household is no longer the overwhelming majority structure it once was.

Family households versus nonfamily households

In 2019, about 80 million U.S. households were family households, and about 58 million of those were married-couple households (Census Bureau 2024 families release).

The remaining family-household categories are the ones most relevant to single-mother analysis:

About 15 million family households were female householder, no spouse present (Census Bureau 2024 families release).
About 6 million family households were male householder, no spouse present (Census Bureau 2024 families release).

That split is important. It shows that female householder households outnumber male householder households by a wide margin in the data summarized here.

A compact comparison

Measure	Earlier figure	Later figure	Source
Married-couple households as share of all U.S. households	71% in 1970	47% in 2022	Census Bureau 2024 families release
Nonfamily households as share of all U.S. households	19% in 1970	36% in 2022	Census Bureau 2024 families release
Women living alone as share of households	12% in 1970	16% in 2022	Census Bureau 2024 families release
Men living alone as share of households	6% in 1970	13% in 2022	Census Bureau 2024 families release

That table shows a broader pattern: the household landscape has diversified, and single-adult living has become more common too.

What Child Living Arrangements Look Like

Single mother statistics become more concrete when the unit of analysis is children rather than households.

In 2019, 70.1% of children lived with two parents, 21.4% lived with their mother only, 4.4% lived with their father only, and 4.0% did not live with a parent (Census Bureau 2022 children living arrangements release).

Those figures show that mother-only living arrangements are much more common than father-only living arrangements.

The long view on mother-only families

The Census Bureau’s mother-only story gives a useful time series:

In 1968, about 7.6 million children lived with their mother only, or 11% of children (Census Bureau 2021 mother-only story).
In 2020, about 15.3 million children lived with their mother only, or 21% of children (Census Bureau 2021 mother-only story).

That means the number of children living with a mother only roughly doubled over that period, and the share nearly doubled too.

The same source shows father-only living arrangements also grew, but from a much smaller base:

In 1968, about 0.8 million children lived with their father only, or 1% of children (Census Bureau 2021 mother-only story).
In 2020, about 3.3 million children lived with their father only, or 4.5% of children (Census Bureau 2021 mother-only story).

The scale difference remains substantial.

How one-parent living arrangements broke down in 2017

The 2017 living-arrangements release adds another useful layer:

Nearly 20 million children under age 18 lived with one parent in 2017 (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
That was 27.1% of all living arrangements for children under 18 in 2017 (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
In 2007, 25.8% of children under 18 lived with one parent (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
In 2012, 28.3% of children under 18 lived with one parent (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).

Among children living with one parent, mothers remained the majority parent:

In 2017, 83.9% of children living with one parent lived with their mothers (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
In 2012, 86.0% lived with their mothers (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
In 2007, 87.5% lived with their mothers (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).

That share moved slightly over time, but the direction is stable: single-mother families make up the dominant share of one-parent living arrangements.

Age patterns among children in mother-only and father-only households

The age mix also matters.

Among children who live with their mother only, the largest age group in 2017 was ages 6 to 11 at 36% (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).

Other notable figures from the same source:

35% were ages 12 to 17 among children living with their mother only (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
Among children who live with their father only, the largest age group was ages 12 to 17 at 43% (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
Among children who live with their father only, 31% were ages 6 to 11 (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).

This suggests the age profile of children in mother-only and father-only households is not identical, even though both groups are part of the same broad category of one-parent families.

Employment Patterns in Families

Single mother statistics often get reduced to a simple question of whether mothers work.

The data here shows that the reality is more nuanced, but employment is clearly central.

In 2023, 97.6% of families with children had at least one employed parent (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).

That is a strong baseline number. It means work participation is the norm across families with children, not the exception.

Mother-maintained and father-maintained families

The BLS data splits by family maintenance type:

In father-maintained families, 86.5% of fathers were employed in 2023 (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).
In mother-maintained families, 76.2% of mothers were employed in 2023 (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).

This does not tell you everything about hours, wages, job stability, or household expenses, but it does show that employed parenthood is widespread in both family types.

Why work status matters in single-mother data

The BLS Monthly Labor Review figures are especially helpful because they separate poor and nonpoor single mothers, with and without AFDC/TANF.

Among poor single mothers with AFDC/TANF, 30.5% were working at paid jobs in 1996 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009). That share rose to 45.8% in 2001 and then stood at 39.3% in 2004 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009).

Among poor single mothers without AFDC/TANF, 63.4% were working at paid jobs in 1996 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009). That was 63.8% in 2001 and 59.3% in 2004 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009).

Among nonpoor single mothers without AFDC/TANF, 94.9% were working at paid jobs in 1996 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009). That was 94.0% in 2001 and 94.1% in 2004 (BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009).

Comparing the work rates

Group	1996	2001	2004	Source
Poor single mothers with AFDC/TANF	30.5%	45.8%	39.3%	BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009
Poor single mothers without AFDC/TANF	63.4%	63.8%	59.3%	BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009
Nonpoor single mothers without AFDC/TANF	94.9%	94.0%	94.1%	BLS Monthly Labor Review 2009

The table makes the gap plain. Employment is highest among nonpoor single mothers, lower among poor single mothers without AFDC/TANF, and lowest among poor single mothers with AFDC/TANF in the figures shown here.

Custodial Parent Data Points

Custodial-parent statistics help explain who is more likely to be carrying the day-to-day parenting load.

Among custodial mothers in 2017:

44.2% were non-Hispanic White (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
28.1% were Black (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
24.1% were Hispanic (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
40.4% were never married (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).

Among custodial fathers in 2017:

62.9% were non-Hispanic White (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
15.1% were Black (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
18.4% were Hispanic (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
39.1% were divorced (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).

These are descriptive statistics, not explanations. But they do show that custodial mothers and custodial fathers differ in composition and marital history.

Education and family size among custodial parents

The same report also gives a quick read on education and number of children:

Among custodial parents with one child, 11.3% had less than a high school education (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
Among custodial parents with one child, 23.5% had a bachelor’s degree or higher (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
Among custodial parents with two or more children, 14.8% had less than a high school education (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
Among custodial parents with two or more children, 18.3% had a bachelor’s degree or higher (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
Among custodial parents with one child, 48.8% were age 40 or older (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).

One practical reading of that set is that custodial parent households are not a single demographic block. Age, education, marital history, race, and family size all vary.

Child support expectations

The report also tracks expected child support:

The number of custodial parents supposed to receive child support fell from 7.3 million in 2003 to 5.4 million in 2017 (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).
The average annual child support supposed to be received fell from $5,999 in 1993 to $5,519 in 2017 (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).

Those numbers do not describe receipts versus orders in every case, but they do show that expected child support is a measurable and changing piece of the single-parent household picture.

Poverty and Risk in Single-Parent Households

The OECD data expands the frame beyond the United States.

Across OECD countries, around 17% of children under 15 live with a single parent (OECD child well-being report).

That same source says poverty risks for single-parent households are about three times higher than for households with two or more adults (OECD child well-being report).

OECD poverty comparisons

The OECD Evolving Family Models report gives some clear comparison points:

The OECD average poverty rate in single-adult households with at least one child is 32.5% (OECD Evolving Family Models report).
The OECD average poverty rate in households with children and two or more adults is 9.8% (OECD Evolving Family Models report).
Across the OECD, 63.9% of individuals in jobless households with children are in relative income poverty (OECD Evolving Family Models report).
Across the OECD, 8.9% of individuals in working households with children are in relative income poverty (OECD Evolving Family Models report).

That contrast is large enough to matter on its own.

Single-parent households and child poverty risk

The OECD policy brief on child well-being adds two more useful figures:

Across OECD countries, 4 in 5 children live in couple families (OECD policy brief on child well-being).
Across OECD countries, children in single-parent families are three times more likely to be poor than children in couple families (OECD policy brief on child well-being).

The OECD opportunities for all report also gives a stark view of jobless families:

In the OECD, 66% of jobless single-parent families are income poor (OECD opportunities for all).
In the OECD, 62% of two-parent families are income poor when neither parent works (OECD opportunities for all).
In the OECD, 4% of two-parent families are income poor when both parents work (OECD opportunities for all).

The underlying pattern is straightforward: work status and household structure both matter, and they interact.

The OECD opportunities for all report also shows a modest increase over time:

About 15.8% of children were living with a single parent in 2007 (OECD opportunities for all).
About 17.2% of children were living with a single parent in 2016 (OECD opportunities for all).

That is a small but real increase over the period reported.

Key Patterns to Keep in Mind

The numbers in this topic do not all point in one direction, but several themes repeat:

Single-mother families are a major part of one-parent living arrangements, not a marginal category (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release).
The share of children living with one parent has stayed substantial over time (Census Bureau 2017 living-arrangements release; Census Bureau 2022 children living arrangements release).
Employment is common in families with children, including mother-maintained families (BLS Employment Characteristics of Families 2023).
Poverty risk is materially higher in single-parent households than in couple households in OECD comparisons (OECD child well-being report; OECD Evolving Family Models report).
Child support expectations, marital history, education, and race all shape the full picture of custodial parent households (Census Bureau 2017 custodial parents report).

The strongest way to read single mother statistics is not as a single story, but as several linked stories about households, children, work, and support.